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Archive for August 4th, 2006

CMKP on th Question of Maoism II

Posted by Taimur Rahman on August 4, 2006

To continue to the second part of my explication of the general political line of the CMKP especially in relation to Maoism, I would like to bring to the fore certain other anomalies.

I have already explained how the MKP and later the CMKP differed on the question of Ayub Khan and Afghanistan in comparison to the “Maoist” movement in Pakistan. I would also like to bring to the fore other differences that the CMKP shares with the international Maoist movement. But before I begin to do that I need to define the major Mao’ist’ trends found in the world today.

There are two main trends laying claim to the legacy of Mao Tse-Tung. One is called “Maoism” and the other is called “Mao Zedong Thought”.

Maoism: The slogan of “Maoism” as a third stage of Marxism-Leninism was raised by the Communist Party of Peru in 1980 and its international manifestation remains the Revolutionary International Movement of which the Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist) and the Communist Party of India (Maoist) are members.

Mao Tse-Tung Thought: The other important center of “Mao Zedong Thought” is the Marxist-Leninist Party of Germany, Communist Party of Philippines, and Communist Party of India (Marxist-Leninist).

I won’t go into the details of the differences between the two because those differences are irrelevant to the discussion we are having at this stage about the CMKP. The differences I am going to explicate are shared in common with both trends.

1) CUBA
Both the “Maoists” as well as those adhering to “Mao Zedong Thought” consider Fidel Castro to be a revisionist and more often than not they consider Cuba to be a capitalist society.

The CMKP, on the other hand, supports Cuba as a socialist state and Fidel Castro as a great Marxist-Leninist.

2) China
Both the “Maoists” as well as those adhering to “Mao Zedong Thought” adhere to the view that China is a completely capitalist country. On the issue of the Tiananmen square both movements stood on the side of the protestors against the Communist Party of China.

The General Secretary of the CMKP comrade Ejaz Ghani made it clear to me that if China had capitulated to the demands of the Tiananmen square protestors the country would have followed the same path of destruction as the former Soviet Union. Therefore, CMKP does not share the analysis that the above mentioned trends made of the situation in China.

3) Elections
The CMKP is not against participation in bourgeois parliaments and elections.

4) Unions
The CMKP believes that communists should intervene in workers unions, even reactionary workers unions. Generally the party should participate in all mass legal organizations of workers and peasants.

5) Cities
The CMKP believes that the party must work in both urban as well as rural areas. The view that the revolution will necessarily arise from the countryside is completely one-sided.

These were some of the well-recognized differences that we share with Maoism and Mao Tse-Tung Thought as defined by the above mentioned parties. I would also like to present some of my personal thoughts on some other questions.

1) Soviet Social Imperialism: The theory that the Soviet Union was an imperialist state where a full capitalist restoration had occurred in 1956 is incorrect in my view. This theory was destroyed
by the events of 1991 which demonstrated clearly that the final capitalist restoration occurred with the breakup of the Soviet Union. (Although the CMKP does not utilize the term Soviet Social
Imperialism we have never had a full debate about this issue).

2) There is evidence that European Maoists supported Solidarity of Poland which in my view is equivalent to crossing the class line.

3) I am against the bourgeois “Prague Springs” and in my view Castro took a better position on the events in 1968 in Czechoslovakia than the leadership of the Communist Party of China (they initiated the slogan rhetoric of Soviet Social Imperialism from that event).

4) Generally the kind of anti-Sovietism I saw in my meeting with Maoist parties in Europe repelled me from their stance and I felt that to a considerable extent they were utilizing Maoism to cover up their inability to face the anti-Soviet imperialist propaganda within their own countries.

5) I do not agree with the Maoist assessment of Hoxha nor with the Hoxhaism assessment of Mao! They both seem to have lost the wood for the trees in my opinion. I simultaneously reject the “Three World’s Theory” which in my opinion was never a serious theory of revolution
but merely China’s foreign policy touted as a theory.

6) I also bitterly criticize the support that the Communist Party of China gave to Afghan Mujahideen, Pinochet, and UNITA. This was a disastrous policy decision.

What I agree with in the context of the great work of Mao Tse-Tung and Enver Hoxha are the excellent critiques they presented of Khrushchev’s revisionism in the early 1960s.

In the final analysis what we must take from Mao and Hoxha are their critiques of modern revisionism while rejecting their ultra-leftist errors or the ultra-leftist errors made in their name (especially those arising from the ridiculous theory of Soviet Social Imperialism).

The pro-Soviet parties have to wake up and realize that the Soviet Union was destroyed because of the opportunist policies undertaken under the rhetoric of de-Stalinization. The anti-revisionists have to get over their ultra-leftist errors. Only by correcting both revisionism as well as ultra-leftism can a Marxist-Leninist party be built up that can lead the world proletariat to victory.

In my view the CMKP made some progress in that direction by combining the anti-revisionist and pro-Soviet forces in the country, even though this step was taken out of a sense of desperation, but unfortunately some people remain stuck in another epoch and are unable to think dialectically grasp the dynamics of a new synthesis. Nonetheless, it is my firm conviction, after over a decade of involvement with the workers movement, that a success international
communist movement can only be revived by correcting both revisionism and ultra-leftism.

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Discussion on Communist Party of Pakistan

Posted by Taimur Rahman on August 4, 2006

First a short note to comrade Ehtisham.

Dear comrade, you have not touched a sensitive nerve. We are just as comfortable taking criticism as we giving it. Besides even if you did touch a sensitive nerve, why should you stop. If you feel you are correct, you should pursue your point of view with full vigor. Perhaps in the course of time we will be persuaded to what you have to say.

I would prefer that you continue posting on our list but not take our remarks personally. I apologize for offending you. The intent is not to offend but to discuss matters. However, I cannot deny that at times I lose my patience. In my defence I can only offer the fact
that I am also human. Anyway, let us not throw out the baby with the bath water. Let us concentrate on the content rather than on the unconvincing form of my critique.

Comrade Hamza you wrote: “The CPP was disintegrated in 1951,due to the Rawalpindi Conspiracy Case.After 1951,there was no Party,no CC or other instituation.”

I have a few questions in this regard.

1) While it is true that the CPP suffered a major blow after 1954 (when the party was outlawed), do you think it is correct to say that “there was no party”. If there was no party, why then was Hassan Nasir tortured to death?

2) Doesn’t your analysis ignore the CPP in East Pakistan?

3) Wasn’t the decision to join NAP reached by the remaining cadres of the CPP?

Hamza wrote: “When Qazi Removed from Dy.secertryship due to his pro-establishment contacts”

I would be very interested to know about these “pro-establishment contacts”? If you have some hard evidence I think you should share it with us and make it public to warn others.

Hamza wrote: “Qazi Imdad was not a Communist he was a narrow nationalist and was member of G.M Sayed’s Party Jai Sindh.” So what you are saying is that the CMKP voted a “narrow nationalist” into the position of the Deputy Secretary of the CMKP? Perhaps you can explain why this occurred?

Further, wasn’t Major Ishaq also a member of Taluh-e-Islam before he joined the left? Clearly you cannot hold one’s former party affiliations against current political position.

What is the evidence that Imdad Qazi is presently a “narrow nationalist”? Clearly if he was a “narrow nationalist” he would have jumped at the opportunity to defend the right of the Baloch and Sindhis to self-determination. The fact that he didn’t, proves otherwise.

Let us not raise accusations that are unjust. Let us seek the non-partisan truth.

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