Posted by Taimur Rahman on October 29, 2008
Posted by Taimur Rahman on October 8, 2008
This work attempts to demonstrate that the colonial path of the capitalist transformation of India resulted in a fusing of the features of capitalism and the Asiatic mode of production to give rise to a social-formation that is best termed Asiatic capitalism.
At the heart of every mode of production is the mode of surplus extraction based on certain relations of production. Slavery, serfdom, and wage labour are all different relations of production that are that heart of slave society, feudalism and capitalism respectively. Similarly, the AMP is based on a variant of class exploitation where peasants are held in collective bondage by the ruling class organized as a state that extracts a tribute from village communities. In Pakistan, this labour relation was called muzara’at. Hence, muzara’at is the central labour relation of the AMP in South Asia.
To understand the emergence of Asiatic capitalism one has to briefly analyze how the AMP was transformed by British colonial rule. In 1764, the British East India Company consolidated their victory at the Battle of Buxar by defeating the Mogul emperor Shah Alam II. The Emperor granted the Company the right to collect land-revenue (called Diwani) in Bengal, Bihar, and Orissa. Thus, the Company began to feed off the surplus generated from the social foundation of the AMP in India. However, with a view to rationalizing and improving the efficiency of collecting land revenue, the British introduced the Permanent Settlement Act in 1793. Although this Act introduced private property in land, it did not fundamentally alter the labour relation of muzara’at. Now the muzara’as were obligated to pay land-revenue (tribute) not to the a representative of the state but to the private owner of the land. Previously the collective-slaves of the state, the muzara’as were
now the collective slaves of the zamindars that had acquired the status of landlord through the colonial regime. Even land that was owned by the colonial state, the system of wage-labour did not replace muzara’at. While private property took the place of Asiatic property in land, wage-labour did not come to replace muzara’at in agrarian relations.
Thus emerged a system of private property and commodity production on the economic foundation of muzara’at. In other words, the surplus produce is converted into a commodity but muzara’at remains more or less intact. Wage-labour mainly emerged in cities where small manufactories transformed into industry. As a result, whether in cities or in the countryside, all institutions of state and society remain stamped by customs that are linked to the AMP encapsulated by the caste system. It is a grave error to think that the caste system survives merely as an ideological vestige. On the contrary, the very economic foundations of contemporary society give rise to the continuing existence of caste as an organizing principle of agrarian relations.
These agrarian relations, private property in land and commodity production on the economic foundations muzara’at (without wage-labour), is what this study terms ‘Asiatic capitalism’. As long as agrarian relations remain constrained by the presence of muzara’at, there can never be economic dynamism or growth.
Posted by Taimur Rahman on October 8, 2008
During much of the twentieth century social-democracy was internationally defeated by Marxism-Leninism. Around the world the working class movement was dominated by communist parties. However, the breakup of the Soviet Union and the perceived defeat of Marxism-Leninism has once again offered social-democracy a new lease of life. Today we are witness to the periodic revamping of social-democracy as the “broad left” in order to resurrect their fortunes.
Marxists have identified social-democratic politics as the “bourgeois politics of the working class”. They have considered them agents of the bourgeoisie within the working class movement. Lenin declared that the struggle against imperialism was a sham if it was not combined with the struggle against opportunism within the working class (read social-democracy).
In Pakistan as well we see a revival of this social-democratic trend under a new name every few years. When I joined left wing politics there was the charcha about the National Workers Party. Three left-wing parties got together to form a new party. They said goodbye to Marxism-Leninism (although many continued to consider themselves as communists) and formed what they considered a “broad left” party.
Then the old professeran group got together and wanted to form a broad left debating forum that would eventually lead to a party. But they couldn’t agree on whether or not there was such a thing as imperialism. The result was the Awami Jamhoori Forum. I often wonder why they don’t join the NWP since their politics is scarcely any different.
Even more recently members of the communist party that had given up politics more than a decade ago decided that the time for broad left politics had come. They formed the Inqalabi Jamhoori Workers Committee and are working incessantly for a “broad left” party.
But what are the principles of this “broad left”? Each of them explain that a broad left party will not be a Marxist-Leninist party. But it will be a party that includes Marxists (or even mostly Marxists). It will only exclude anti-Marxists. In other words, it will include everyone that is centre or centre left but it will exclude right-wing people.
I once asked in a straight forward manner, will such a broad left party uphold the point of view that the emancipation of the working class requires the dictatorship of the proletariat (i.e. the class rule of the working class). I received the idiotic response that the broad left is opposed to all forms of dictatorship, whether of the proletariat, military or mullah. Now one really has to scratch one’s head and wonder where these so-called former communists have been living if they do not even understand the distinction between the concept of the dictatorship of a class and dictatorship of the bourgeois military.
Bourgeois democracy and military dictatorship are two different forms of the class rule of the bourgeoisie. As far as Marxism is concerned they are two different forms of the dictatorship of the bourgeoisie. Similarly, the dictatorship of the working class (i.e. the class rule of the working class) can also assume different forms (ranging from the more democratic to more authoritarian).
Only those that are completely unversed in Marx’s use of the term dictatorship of the proletariat can confuse the concept with military dictatorship. One certainly does not expect those that have been members of the communist party for nearly their entire lives to make such idiotic statements. Such statements are normally the exclusive preserve of those that learn about Marxism from Time magazine or Reader’s Digest.
In sum, such a broad left party is opposed to Marxism. A working class party cannot be forged out of such confusion. It can only be forged in the ideological struggle against such confusion. Such a party would descend into complete chaos. The Marxist section would be working towards the building of an organization that is working towards the smashing of the current state. The other section would be opposed to any politics that aims at anything further than extracting concessions from the state.
Furthermore, given the stronger financial resources of the social-democrats and the support that they receive from the liberal sections of the bourgeoisie (with whom they are connected with a thousand different threads), the Marxist section of the party would not be able to dominate in such an organization. Hence, the dissolving of a Marxist party into this broad confusion would only lead to the liquidation of the Marxist vanguard.
This criticism of social-democratic politics is well-established among communists. But let us also turn to the situation in Pakistan. What are the options for a broad left organization? The National Workers Party, Labour Party, and Awami Tehreek are sitting inside the right-wing APDM. They are aligned with the most right-wing opponents of the democratic government. How can the CMKP form a broad left party with these organizations when we have a fundamental disagreement with their choice of friends and enemies. Can we form one party when they are sitting with the Jamaat e Islami and under the patronage of General Hameed Gul raising slogans against the democratic government, and we are opposing the APDM tooth and nail.
Furthermore, historically their attitude towards us has been one of hostility to the point that preferred to make an alliance with the openly pro-military (Sherpao) MKP than with the CMKP. In other words, they can sit with anyone, from the fundamentalists to the pro-military parties, but they don’t want to sit anywhere close to communists.
And what is most disturbing of all is that all of these alliances and mergers add no new forces to the left. These are the same faces that we have seen for the last two three decades. Few new people have been added to their ranks at all. In other words, all these efforts represent a reshuffling, a re-ordering of the same people but along social-democratic lines.
The CMKP is the only Marxist party that can claim to have actually broken new ground and influenced a new generation of activists. Quite frankly, this new generation of activists are completely uninspired by the defeatist social-democracy of the old left. When I walk out of their meetings I feel more depressed than when I go in. It isn’t the size of the meeting nor the age of its participants that leads to this feeling. It is the constance defeatism reiterated a thousand different ways that destroys all morale. How can one build an organization on the basis of such defeatism?
When we started our work, this defeatist left lambasted with the opinion that people will not follow a staunch Marxist party. But the last decade of struggle has revealed the exact opposite. Our ranks have grown with new young people. And the defeatist left has become liquidationist and even capitulated to the APDM in the hopes of a little lime-light.
Let us do away with the illusion of a social-democratic broad left. What we need in Pakistan is a Marxist-Leninist party. What we need in Pakistan is a Communist Party.
Posted by Taimur Rahman on August 6, 2008
[Comrades, while our struggle against military rule continues, we must combine our practicle efforts with theoretical study. I strongly believe that there can be no revolutionary struggle without revolutionary theory. In this short essay I have presented the central views about historical dialectical materialism. The essay also replies to the charges of economic reductionism and linearity of history. I hope that it proves useful for our theoretical study to inform out practicle politics. Dated: Nov 30, 2007]
What is Historical Materialism?
In the words of Lenin, Marxism continued and consummated the three most advanced ideological currents of the nineteenth century: German philosophy, English Political Economy, and French Socialism. The epistemological premises of Marxism developed through criticism of post-Hegelian German philosophy. The The Poverty of Philosophy and the German Ideology were among the first works that developed historical materialism as a new method of the study of history.
Marx and Engels divided hitherto existing philosophy along the epistemological lines of materialism and idealism. In his work Ludwig Feuerbach and the end of Classical German Philosophy Engels explains that the central premise of materialism is the philosophical concept of matter as an independent entity in relation to thought. In simple words, materialism is premised upon the objective existence of the world.
This assertion about the independent and objective existence of the world may strike the reader as positivism. There is no doubt that these premises have been challenged by religious and philosophical idealists, by certain natural-scientists, and more recently in social-studies by post-modernists. These challenges to materialism, whether traditional or modern, bear one line of reasoning in common; they deny the objective existence of the world.
With respect to these objections, Lenin’s philosophical work Materialism and Empirio-Criticism is a trenchant defense of materialism. He points out not only that objections against materialism inevitably lead to solipsism–the view that the self is all that can be known to exist. He also argues persuasively that copious natural scientific evidence demonstrating the existence of the Earth before the existence of humans is conclusive proof that matter exists independent of thought. Obviously, if the world existed before the existence of humans, matter cannot be a product of our thought. Further, natural scientific arguments, derived often from relativity or quantum mechanics, rest on confusing the philosophic concept of matter with the scientific concept of matter. The philosophic concept of matter makes no other claim except that matter exists independent of thought. The question about the nature of matter falls exclusively in the realm of the scientific concept of matter. Since, relativity or quantum mechanics do not disprove that the universe existed before the existence of humans, they do not disprove that matter exists independent of thought. Lenin concludes that materialism is entirely consistent with developments in modern natural science.
However, unlike the mechanical and rigid categories of nineteenth century natural science, Marx and Engels extracted the “rational kernel” from Hegel’s philosophy — namely dialectics — and combined it with materialism. At its most basic, dialectics is the simple concept that there is no finality in human thought or action. On the contrary, life is always in a process of birth and death, development and destruction, coming into being and passing away. In a word, the world should be understood as a complex of processes. These processes of life are not characterized by a rigid separation of binary opposites. On the contrary, these opposites interact and interpenetrate each other. At a certain stages in the development of these processes small quantitative changes result in qualitative changes. The entire movement of these complex of processes takes place in a continuous spiral that ascends from lower to higher forms (Engels, Dialectics of Nature). For instance, the search for the truth is itself a long historical never-ending process developing higher levels of knowledge without ever being able to reach the absolute truth. Similarly, human society is in a process of continuos evolution without a final or complete conclusion in an ideal or perfect state or society (Engels, Ludwig Feuerbach and the End of Classical German Philosophy). The synthesis of materialism and Hegelian dialectics is the method of Marxism known as dialectical materialism.
It follows from these simple but forceful premises that the methodology of historical dialectical materialism is not based on any pre-conceived notions of human nature but on the concrete conditions of human existence. The first premise of human history, as Marx wrote in the German Ideology, is the existence of living human individuals. And since “mankind must first of all eat, drink, have shelter and clothing, before it can pursue politics, science, art, religion, etc.” the social organization for the production of these necessary means of life forms the foundations upon which are based social, political, cultural and ideological conceptions. The great discovery of historical materialism is, therefore, that the social, political, cultural and ideological conceptions of man can only be understood in connection with the economic foundations of a given society (Marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1883/death/burial.htm). Marx expressed these findings succinctly in the often-quoted Preface to a Critique of Political Economy.
In the social production of their life, men enter into definite relations that are indispensable and independent of their will, relations of production which correspond to a definite stage of development of their material productive forces. The sum total of these relations of production constitutes the economic structure of society, the real foundations, on which rises a legal and political superstructure and to which correspond definite forms of social consciousness. The mode of production of material life conditions the social, political and intellectual life process in general. It is not the consciousness of men that determines their being, but, on the contrary, their social being that determines their consciousness (Marx, Preface).
In other words, all societies must produce the basics of life in order to live. In order to produce, humans enter into social relations of production that correspond to the level of development of productive forces. Productive forces and relations of production together constitute the mode of production. The mode of production is the economic base to which corresponds the ideological and political superstructure of a society. This process of a historically evolving social division of labour is, thus, the central notion of historical materialism. Thus, investigation of the social division of labour is the starting point of a materialist study of society.
Anthropological evidence suggests that early man lived in a primitive state, an animal state. The processes of social labour and their consequent impact on the development of the brain over hundreds of thousands of years led to the evolution of what we call today modern man. Till such time as the productivity of labour was not developed enough to produce a surplus over and above the basic needs of survival, humanity lived in a form of primitive communism characterized by an extremely low social division of labour. With the further development of the productive forces mankind was able to produce a surplus over and above the basic needs of survival. This gave rise to a phenomenon whereby certain sections of society began to live off the labour of other sections of society. This was the dawn of class-society.
Classes are large groups of people differing from each other by the place they occupy in a historically determined system of social production, by their relation (in most cases fixed and formulated in law) to the means of production, by their role in the social organisation of labour, and, consequently, by the dimensions of the share of social wealth of which they dispose and the mode of acquiring it. Classes are groups of people one of which can appropriate the labour of another owing to the different places they occupy in a definite system of social economy (Lenin, http://marxists.org/archive/lenin/works/1919/jun/28.htm).
This definition makes it very clear that the defining properties of a class are not subjective but are objective relations to the means of production. This definition of classes as an objective economic relation implies that classes may or may not be conscious of their interests. However, the degree of self-consciousness about their objective economic relationship to the means of production has no bearing upon their classification as a certain class. Along these lines, this study is not concerned at the outset with the subjective properties of classes but with establishing the various classes that objectively exist in Pakistan.
In sum, development of the social division of labour at a certain stage in history gave birth to distinctions in society based on the relationship to the means of production. This relationship of control over the means of production was eventually codified or expressed in cultural and juridical terms as ownership and property. In other words, property is the juridical expression of a class-based division of labour. The social division of labour is in the a process of constant evolution and the various forms of society can be discerned by the different forms of ownership. On this basis Marx broadly identified four forms of society.
…In broad outlines Asiatic, ancient, feudal, and modern bourgeois modes of production can be designated as progressive epochs in the economic formation of society.
Since the social, political, and cultural ideas of any society correspond to the economic mode of production, Marx argued that the dominating ideas were the ideas of the domination of that class. Ideology, therefore, is the conceptual expression of the real relationship of class-domination in society. Marx says:
The ideas of the ruling class are in every epoch the ruling ideas, i.e. the class which is the ruling material force of society, is at the same time its ruling intellectual force. The class which has the means of material production at its disposal, has control at the same time over the mental means of production, so that thereby, generally speaking, the ideas of those who lack the means of mental production are subject to it. The ruling ideas are nothing more than the idea expression of the dominant material relationships, the dominant material relationships grasped as ideas; hence of the relationships which make the one class the ruling one, therefore, the ideas of its dominance.
Marx observed that at certain stages of history, productive forces and relations of production may come into conflict with each other. In other words, relations of production become a barrier for the further development of society. This may bring about an era of social revolution in which new classes take power and transform the relations of production and the corresponding superstructure. During such periods of social revolution, the forms of ownership and the entire ideology of society undergoes a complete transformation. In sum, the dialectical contradiction between productive forces and relations of production, that is expressed in the class-struggle, is the central dialectic that governs history. That is why Marx asserts that “the history of all hitherto existing societies is the history of class-struggle” (Marx, Communist Manifesto).
Marx carefully studied the workings of capitalist society and argued that the immanent contradictions in capitalist society were leading to a society that would end all class antagonisms. He argued that modern industry had laid the economic foundation for the final destruction of class-society. Modern industry had destroyed the economic necessity that compelled a certain portion of the population to a life of manuel drudgery. An economic situation that compelled the development of the few to be at the expense of the development of the many. Industry had made possible a society in which the development of one could be the basis for the development of all. That society was called communism. Marx argued that the creation of communist society would inaugurate the beginning of a new period in human history where man would no longer exploit man.
On the Charge of Economic Reductionism
Critics of Marx have argued that the model of economic base and superstructure is tantamount to economic reductionism. It is alleged that Marxism casts the superstructure in a purely passive role. However, there is plenty of evidence in the writings of Marx and Engels to demonstrate that this would be an incorrect interpretation of their argument. In particular the relationship between the base and superstructure is directly addressed by Engels
According to the materialist conception of history, the ultimately determining element in history is the production and reproduction of real life. Other than this neither Marx nor I have ever asserted. Hence if somebody twists this into saying that the economic element is the only determining one, he transforms that proposition into a meaningless, abstract, senseless phrase. The economic situation is the basis, but the various elements of the superstructure — political forms of the class struggle and its results, to wit: constitutions established by the victorious class after a successful battle, etc., juridical forms, and even the reflexes of all these actual struggles in the brains of the participants, political, juristic, philosophical theories, religious views and their further development into systems of dogmas — also exercise their influence upon the course of the historical struggles and in many cases preponderate in determining their form. There is an interaction of all these elements in which, amid all the endless host of accidents (that is, of things and events whose inner interconnection is so remote or so impossible of proof that we can regard it as non-existent, as negligible), the economic movement finally asserts itself as necessary. Otherwise the application of the theory to any period of history would be easier than the solution of a simple equation of the first degree (Engels, Marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1890/letters/90_09_21.htm).
Similarly, emphasizing the dialectical nature of the relationship between the base and the superstructure Engels writes,
What these gentlemen all lack is dialectic. They never see anything but here cause and there effect. That this is a hollow abstraction, that such metaphysical polar opposites only exist in the real world during crises, while the whole vast process proceeds in the form of interaction (though of very unequal forces, the economic movement being by far the strongest, most elemental and most decisive) and that here everything is relative and nothing is absolute–this they never begin to see. Hegel has never existed for them.
In another letter Engels continues,
Hanging together with this too is the fatuous notion of the ideologists that because we deny an independent historical development to the various ideological spheres which play a part in history we also deny them any effect upon history. The basis of this is the common undialectical conception of cause and effect as rigidly opposite poles, the total disregarding of interaction; these gentlemen often almost deliberately forget that once an historic element has been brought into the world by other elements, ultimately by economic facts, it also reacts in its turn and may react on its environment and even on its own causes (Engels, Marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1893/letters/93_07_14.htm)
From these direct refutations it is clear that Marxism does not pose a one-sided or determinist relationship but a dialectical relationship between the base and the superstructure. The assertion that socio-political ideas are connected and correspond to the social division of labour does not in anyway imply that ideas play no role or merely a passive role in history.
By identifying social labour as the prerequisite of every society, the one practice that is common to all societies, historical materialism underscores that social labour alone can serve an objective bench mark for any kind of comparative analysis of society. An analysis of social labour can reveal what is common between different societies as well as what differentiates one society from the other. This objective bench mark makes it possible to pass from a mere description of ideas and events to a scientific explanation of these facts. That is why the analysis of social labour is the starting point of any materialist investigation of society.
Recurrence and regularity in social and economic relations in a given society is generalized as a social formation. In specific moment in the history of the social formation of a society there may be other modes of production besides the dominant mode of production. These subsidiary modes of production may either be remnants of the past or precursors to the future. In other words, whereas the analysis of a mode of production is the study of one complete economic system, the analysis of a social formation is the study of a specific society that may encompass more than one economic system/mode of production.
Historical Materialism: Critique of Unilinear Evolution
A pervasive view among a certain category of ‘Marxists’ is that historical materialism posits a universal historical scheme. They argue that all societies are destined to travel along the historical trajectory of ancient, feudal, capitalist and socialist modes of production. According to this view the main theoretical task, in relation to the study of non-European societies, is to delineate the historical periods in which each of these modes of production existed in the history of the specific society. In other words, the main task for such ‘unilinear evolutionists’ is to map non-European societies onto a universal historical schematic.
However, it is abundantly clear from the writings of Marx and Engels that they never upheld any such notion of a universal historical scheme. In fact, Marx explicitly rejected any attempt to, in his own words,
…metamorphose my historical sketch of the genesis of capitalism in Western Europe into an historico-philosophic theory of the marche generale [general path] imposed by fate upon every people, whatever the historic circumstances in which it finds itself, in order that it may ultimately arrive at the form of economy which will ensure, together with the greatest expansion of the productive powers of social labour, the most complete development of man (marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1877/11/russia.htm).
Thus, rather than proceeding from a “general-historical philosophical theory” or a universal historical scheme to specific forms of society, the method of historical materialism, on the contrary, proceeds from the study of specific forms of society to understand the march of history. In fact, this study will also demonstrate that the manner in which the various forms of non-European societies have been subsumed into a European historical schematic is the reflex of colonial domination. In the words of Krader, “the superordination of the European categories corresponded to the superiority of the European artillery” (Krader ??, pg 113).
Let us for now turn to the phrase ‘uni-linear’ evolution. This phrase immediately suggests two qualities about history. First, that history only moves in one direction. Second, that it moves in that one direction direction in a straight line.
First, the notion that history only evolves in one direction is also not upheld by the writings of Marx and Engels. Engels wrote that just as natural science predicts a fairly certain end not only for the habitability of the Earth but even for its existence, similarly dialectical philosophy “recognizes that for the history of mankind, too, there is not only an ascending but also a descending branch” (Engels, Ludwig Feuerbach). Marx and Engels believed that humanity was still “a considerable distance from the turning-point at which the historical course of society becomes one of descent”. The reason why this line of possible historical descent does not feature prominently in their writings is quite simply because dialectical philosophy cannot be expected to write about something that has not yet come about. Nonetheless, it is clear that Marx and Engels were completely open, not only to an ascending evolution, but also to the inevitability of a descending evolution of history.
Second, the notion that historical evolution is linear is completely alien to Marx and Engels. Historical materialism upholds that history proceeds not in a straight line but in a dialectic. Engels observes “History moves often in leaps and bounds and in a zigzag line” (marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1859/critique-pol-economy/appx2.htm). Clearly leaps and bounds and zigzags cannot be categorized as linear.
Some Marxist critics of ‘unilinear evolutionism’ propose that Marxism proposes a ‘multi-linear’ evolution of history. While this restatement certainly takes into account the reality that all societies do not follow a universal historical scheme, it still falls short of an understanding of history as a process of dialectical contradiction. In other words, multi-linearity continues to suggest that each societies evolve along a linear line of development. This notion, however, is quite clearly refuted by Marx and Engels themselves. They always upheld the possibility for each individual society, not only of historical ascend, but equally of historical descent and even destruction. For instance in the opening lines of the Communist Manifesto, they wrote that the class struggle may also lead to “the common ruin of the contending classes” (Marx and Engels, Communist Manifesto).
In sum, both phrases, unilinear or multi-linear evolutionism, are totally misleading for the simple reason that historical materialism does not posit either a universal historical scheme nor a one-directional or purely linear development of society. To put it more succinctly, “The universal evolutionary development of mankind exists only as an abstraction; the particular evolutions are various and concrete.”
There has been a long debate in the social sciences between the relative merits of quantitative or a qualitative approach. Unlike natural science, social science deals with phenomenon that cannot be isolated in experimental conditions and studied quantitatively. Nonetheless, social sciences also attempted to increasingly adopt methodologies or ask questions that were quantitative in orientation. Naturally, this greatly limits the scope of social science since some of the most interesting questions concerning society elude a purely quantitative approach. A counter thrust towards qualitative methods in the last two decades pushed the pendulum back. In more recent times, most social scientists have accepted a combination of the quantitative and qualitative approach.
Historical materialism, however, has never regarded quantitative methods exclusively as scientific. Thus, one could say that Marxism has always argued for a combination of the quantitative and the qualitative. Capital, for instance, contains a host of material that is both quantitative and qualitative. In fact, the sole criterion of science, for historical materialism, is practice.
In his thesis on Feuerbach, considered to be the first breakthrough towards historical materialism, Marx wrote “The dispute over the reality or non-reality of thinking which is isolated from practice is a purely scholastic question” (Marx, Thesis on Feuerbach). Similarly Engels says “The result of our action proves the conformity of our perceptions with the objective nature of the things perceived” (Engels, K. Marx and F. Engels, Selected Works, Vol. II, Moscow, 1958, pp. 403, 101). In other words, life is the first and fundamental basis of knoweldge. In sum, the sole criterion of truth, according to Marxism, is whether or not a theory accords with reality. Marx and Engels never attempted to fit the facts of history to any historical schema, dialectical schema, or any other dogmatic apriori principle. The sole criterion of whether a theory was scientific, in their eyes, was whether or not it accorded with the facts of life.
Marx and Engels were also completely open to the imperfection and incompleteness of their notions. They were argued that no idea about the social life of humans could be completely confirmed or rejected. Therefore, it was correct to say that Marxism has an element of relativism in it. But Marx and Engels equally upheld the view that there were absolutes within the relatives. That in relation to other ideas, certain ideas could be refuted absolutely. For instance, in relation to the notion that thought exists independent of matter, materialism upholds that it is absolutely true that matter exists independent of thought. Thus, Marxism recognizes the relative nature of our knowledge, that knowledge is historically conditioned. Lenin writes “[Marxism] recognises the relativity of all our knowledge, not in the sense of denying objective truth, but in the sense that the limits of approximation of our knowledge to this truth are historically conditional.”
At the same time, Marxism cannot be reduced to relativism in knowledge because it upholds that humanity is in a never ending and infinite search towards the objective truth.
In conclusion, historical materialism is not a set of axiomatic conclusions about history but fundamentally a method. A method that accepts the objective existence of the world and regards conformity of ideas with life as the sole criterion of truth. A method that regards the pursuit of knowledge as a never ending journey. Historical materialism is not itself the objective truth. It is, rather, the only method through which one can search for the objective truth, coming closer and closer to it in an endless spiral without ever being able to achieve the absolute truth.
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Posted by Taimur Rahman on July 1, 2008
“The operation to root out extremists in tribal areas and on the doorstep of Peshawar has begun. There is bound to be a serious blow back. Brace yourselves.”
It seems that fear of suicide bombs has so permeated our society that many of us simply do not have the stomach for a struggle against the Taliban. But whichever way one turns, such a struggle is both inevitable and necessary. The Taliban are not interested in merely staying within the tribal areas. They are not interested in practicing their medieval barbaric ways in their own areas. Far from it. They are interested in spreading their version of Islam not only all over FATA, not only all over Pakistan, they actually believe that their dogma is the panacea for all the ills of the modern world. Therefore, they are an aggressive force that should not be mistaken for traditional tribals.
The Tehreek e Taliban is out to make Pakistan into another version of Talibanized Afghanistan. The fact that they have managed to get to the gates of Peshawar should not be taken lightly at all.
Some people mistakenly allege that the Taliban have captured the mood of resistance of the Pushtun people. But this is so far from the truth that it is almost laughable. If the Taliban had indeed captured the mood of the Pushtun people, it would not have been the case that the people of Pukhtunkhwa would have given a landslide victory to the secular ANP. Far from it. Media reports from the region are demonstrating that the people of Swat have lost their livelihood because of the ongoing fighting. Malam Jaba, Swat and so many other places that were once places where people from all over Pakistan would come and visit, have been turned into ghost towns. People are emigrating out of these
areas because there is no work. Those that remain wish for the old times to return when there was no Taliban and economic conditions were much better.
Another misconception has to do with the view that negotiations are the only or the best way forward. How can the cause of democracy, civil society, equality, or justice be served by not taking any action against those that have torched dozens of girls schools, murdered 28 peace makers, publicly executed their opponents, razed barber shops, destroyed CD and DVD shops, brunt to a crisp
tourist resorts, kidnapped religious minority groups and have brought chaos to the area? How can justice be served by not doing anything about the murder of democratically elected representatives? These last few days extremists broke into the house of Abdul Kabir in Matta Tehsil (who is the brother of PPP vice president Sher Khan). They not only shot him dead, they also shot dead his wife
and his son. This was followed by the killing of another politicians Muhammed Zameer.
Yesterday, when an unconstitutional military dictator gave the go ahead for a military operation, it was an entirely different matter. However, today the situation is entirely different. Today the democratically elected provincial and federal governments have ordered a military operation to establish law and order.
In this regard, it is also quite disappointing to see the response of the PML(N). The tragedy against ordinary people, against women and minorities, and against any form of dissent, is occurring in front of their eyes. They have not come out with any statement against these atrocities. Instead their only
statement is that they have not been taken into confidence and are even threatening to break the coalition at this sensitive moment. In reality they are completely unwilling to take a principled position against religious extremism. They are unwilling to defend the rights of women, minorities, or working people. That is why they are making excuses about not being taken into confidence while remaining completely silent on the gross forms of injustice that the Taliban are meting out to defenseless people.
The lawyers that have stood for the rule of law need to especially understand that the rule of law is being destroyed by the Taliban. The latter do not stand for the rule of law but against it. They stand for arbitrary executions in the most gruesome and cruel manner imaginable. While standing for the restoration of the judiciary, they should equally condemn the Talibanization of Pakistan.
In conclusion, the democratically elected government, despite all their drawbacks must be supported against the Taliban. Pakistan has now made it to 9th position in the most dysfunctional states in the world (we are just behind Iraq, Somalia, and Afghanistan). The principle reason for this chaotic situation is the growing threat of religious extremism. Although there will no doubt be a blow back to the operation in the NWFP, we have to fight the Taliban. Our survival as a democratic society depends on it.
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Posted by Taimur Rahman on July 1, 2008
The concept of democracy is one of those murky terms that means all things to all people. Whether it is the occupation of Iraq or the Palestinian struggle against occupation both are conducted in the name of democracy. In Pakistan, Benazir Bhutto died for democracy, Nawaz Sharif suffered years of exile for democracy, Imran Khan supported Musharraf to bring about “haqiqi democracy” and then opposed him to bring about real democracy. Even the Jamaat e Islami, that long time ally of General Zia ul Haq, now speaks in the name of democracy. It would not be incorrect, therefore, to consider the term democracy to be a hegemonic concept in the world today.
Literally, the word democracy means rule by the people. According to Ellen Mieksin Wood (“Capitalism Against Democracy”) the ruling classes of ancient Rome were completely opposed to the concept of democracy. In fact, the ruling elite considered democracy no different from “mob rule”. However, modern ruling classes speak in the name of democracy. How did this transition occur?
This transition was made possible because the modern system of parliaments retains the form of democracy but excludes the political content of democracy. The political content of democracy was encapsulated eloquently in Lincoln’s famous phrase “rule by the people, for the people, and of the people”. The form of democracy is the representative parliamentary system. Thus, while the form of democracy (i.e. the parliamentary system) has become hegemonic, its political content (i.e. peoples rule) remains an elusive goal.
Democracy reemerged as a hegemonic concept in the struggle of the capitalists against the feudal monarchy overthrown by the capitalist-democratic revolutions and transformations of 1648 (Britain), 1776 (USA), and 1789 (France). And in the context of the neo-colonial world, it has come to signify the struggle to overcome both pre-capitalist and colonial relations in favour of modern representative institutions of the type found in the West today. In Pakistan, however, it has come to mean almost exclusively the struggle against military rule. Why has the meaning of democracy become so narrow in Pakistan?
The struggles against successive military dictatorships were no doubt successful in so far as they managed to displace the military rulers of that period. However, they failed to bring about any systemic change to the state or social structure of the country. Hence, in a historical sense and from the point of view of a transformation from a neo-colonial state to a democratic state they failed to achieve their goals. As a result of these failures, the expectations, the goals, the vision of the democratic movement shrank, not only in the minds of politicians belonging to various propertied classes, but even in the minds of the rank and file of the movement. Yesterday the word democracy evoked aspirations of land reforms, national sovereignty against imperialism, a welfare state that would supply health, education, and employment, a society that would guarantee equality of all nations, equal of race, gender, religion and caste and so on. Today the word democracy has become narrowed to one singular item: the struggle against military rule. In sum, the reviving democratic movement bears the imprint of yesterday’s failures.
As a result, today the democratic movements finds itself, ironically, in the company of people that were trenchant opponents of democracy yesterday (for instance the Jamaat e Islami). It should be self-evident that not all those that speak in the name of democracy today, objectively stand for its political content. It is because of this disjuncture between the content and form of democracy that the words “democratic movement” are placed in inverted commas in the title of this essay.
It is my contention that there are at least two faces of the so-called “democratic movement” (i.e. the movement against Musharraf). The first is democratic, the other reactionary.
The progressive face of the democratic movement is opposed to the coup because it violated the right of people to be governed by elected representatives, it is opposed to the parasitic economic character of the military, it is opposed to the neo-liberal policies of the regime that resulted in the rising cost of living for ordinary people, it is opposed to monopolistic practices of Musharraf¢s supporters that caused the sugar, wheat, and cement crisis, it is opposed to the wanton murder of people in Balochistan and so on.
The reactionary face of opposition to Musharraf is not primarily opposed to the above mentioned issues. In fact, they have supported or been the direct beneficiaries of many of these policies. The reactionary face of the opposition to Musharraf is opposed to the U-turn on the policies that were continuing from the Zia period. They are opposed to the de-escalation of war with India or support for insurgents in Kashmir, they are opposed to the spread of relatively liberal values on the media, they are opposed to the retraction of support for Jihadi groups, they are opposed to the operation against Lal Masjid, the clamp down on foreign jihadi groups, they are opposed to legislation such as the Women¢s Protection Bill, or the holding of mixed marathons.
While these issues are not mutually exclusive and there are many individuals that straddle the fence, however, at the mass level one can clearly identify these two political trends.
The lawyers movement, that is not outside these society wide influences, is equally ideologically split along these trends. Progressive and reactionary factions are struggling externally against the establishment and internally for the hegemony of the movement.
Since the formation of the democratic government, the lawyers movement has seen a precipitous drop in the participation of PPP. The party in power no longer needs or wants to utilize the street. They wish to utilize the National Assembly. As a result, the lawyers movement on the streets has seen a massive drop in the participation of relatively progressive PPP grassroots workers. As a result in comparison to the protests before the election, the Long March was heavily dominated by right-wing political parties.
The APDM (dominated by the JI and PTI) is attempting to dominate the lawyers movement. The genuine leadership of the lawyers movement including Aitzaz Ahsen, Munir Malik, Ali Ahmed Kurd, Anwar Kamal, Asma Jehangir has come under increasing criticism from the APDM for not undertaking a sit-in at the end of the long march. However, the question of the dharna must be seen in the wider context of the struggle between the reactionary and progressive faces of the movement.
Thus, it is vital to support the relatively progressive face of the lawyers movement and the democratic movement. Support for the progressive face of the lawyers movement will eventually widen the democratic space available to society. It would be a fatal mistake to support the reactionary face of the lawyers movement because it will result in a reversal of the democratic space available to society and society may become dominated by reactionary elements that have been the pillars of past dictatorships.
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Posted by Taimur Rahman on August 20, 2006
Thank you for your response. Nothing would make me happier than to
discover my mistakes. You wrote:
You wrote: “the RIM did not think that it was ok to ally itself with
one imperialism againt one other. Saying that the RIM supported
Solidarnosc is merely a lie. What they would do today in the same
case is another point
My response: As history has shown, the Soviet Union was not a
capitalist country (and certainly not an imperialist country). It
was a socialist society, ruled after Stalin by modern revisionists
but nonetheless not a capitalist or imperialist society (the latter
cannot exist without the existence of private property and finance
capital unless one wants to make a complete mockery out of Marxian
political economy). Therefore, neutrality in the conflict between
the USA and USSR is an equally opportunist position.
If one cannot be ‘neutral’ in the conflict between bourgeois
democrats and bourgoeis fascists or between a bourgeois national
government and an invading imperial army, as the actions of Stalin
and Mao in the Second World War respectively testify, than one
cannot be neutral in the struggle between the infinitely more
progressive USSR in relation to US imperialism.
I provided the quotation. You read it. Here is my evidence again:
“In the capitalist and imperialist countries of the Eastern bloc
important cracks and fissures in the relative stability of the rule
by the state-capitalist bourgeoisie are more and more apparent. In
Poland the proletariat and other sections of the masses have risen
in struggle and delivered powerful blows to the established order.
In these countries, also, possibilities for proletarian revolution
are developing and will be heightened by the development and
intensification of world contradictions.”
Anyone in the least familiar with recent polish history knows that
the force delivering “powerful blows to the established order” in
the early 1980s was none other than Solidarity (keep in mind that
the RIM document was written in March 1984).
You wrote: “What they would do today in the same case is another
My response: I have no idea what you mean by that statement. Please
“New Democratic Revolution”
You wrote “you made a huge error in putting imperialist Russia (that
had feudal elements) and oppressed Cuba. It is a fact that Stalin
put forward the new democratic revolution…”
My response: Obviously then you have misunderstood entirely my
critique of RIM’s views. I am not saying that third world countries
are not standing at the stage of a New Democratic Revolution or a
People’s Democratic Revolution. What I am saying is that “preached
a line of combining revolutionary stages into one single “socialist”
revolution” is not an anti-Leninist position—Lenin, Stalin and Mao
all upheld that degree of separation of the stages depends on the
subjective and objective conditions of every society and more
specifically on the level of development of the class consciousness
of the proletariat. RIM errs when it claims that “preaching” a
program of “socialist revolution” is tantamount to appealing to
workers on the “narrowest of bases”.
What stage was the historical evolution European society during the
time of Karl Marx? With the exception of a few countries (France,
Britain, Holland) most European countries were either approaching or
undergoing the bourgeois-democratic stage of the revolution. Marx
and Engels fully understood that there was only an extremely remote
possibility of a socialist revolution in their own lifetimes. Did
that stop them from developing or “preaching” the socialist
program? Did they for a moment think that the development of a
Communist League should be abandoned because it would be tantamount
to appealing to the workers on the “narrowest bases”?
We thus learn from the great historical example of Karl Marx that
even when the stage of the struggle is purely bourgeois-democratic
communists must work to create an independent workers party whose
objective is a socialist revolution. If the Cubans “preached a line
of combining revolutionary stages into one single “socialist”
revolution” they did nothing that runs against the grain of
You wrote: “Maoist criticize Hoxha as trotskyist for example for
saying that all countries in the world are capitalist (like the
trotskyists), i.e. for rejecting the thesis of bureaucratic
capitalism : for maoists oppressed countries are semi-colonial semi-
Hoxhaists are Trotskyists because they reject the thesis of
bureaucratic capitalism? I’m completely stumped. Is the rejection
of the “thesis of bureaucratic capitalism” defining features of
Trotskyism? The defining features of Trotskyism are:
1) The rejection of the thesis of the possibility of socialism
in one country
2) The thesis on bureaucratic deformations and the rise
3) The thesis of Permanent Revolution
If a party does not uphold these views it is not a Trotskyite
party. Is that so hard to grasp?
Soviet Social Imperialism
You wrote: “people upholding Mao or Hoxha both consider the Soviet
Union as “social-imperialist”.”
My response: What matters is not who holds these views but whether
they can be corroborated by facts. If a thesis cannot be proven by
facts, we would reject it even if it was held by Karl Marx. The
thesis about “Soviet Social Imperialism” opened the door within the
anti-revisionist movement to opportunist and revisionist tendencies
of all shapes and stripes.
You wrote: “the thesis of Bhagat Singh is quite strange on this
level if we compare to the ones of the international communist
movement. Defending stalin and cuba, as cuba never upholded Stalin
in any way, is onlye defended by some rare groups : the DHKP/C of
Turkey or some french marxists-leninists that recently left the CP.”
My response: Yes but unlike the Maoists and Hoxhaists, we do not
subscribe to the view that a communist leader has to be correct on
every single question every single time in order for us to consider
him/her a Marxist-Leninist. Lenin’s attitude towards Rosa Luxemberg
is very instructive on this issue. Lenin wrote about Rosa:
“We shall reply to this by quoting two lines from a Russian
fable, `Eagles may at times fly lower than hens but hens can never
rise to the height of eagles’. Rosa Luxemburg was mistaken on the
question of the independence of Poland; she was mistaken in 1903 in
her appraisal of Menshevism; she was mistaken on the theory of
accumulation of capital; she was mistaken in July 1914, when,
together with Plekhanov, Vandervelde, Kautsky and others she
advocated unity between the Bolsheviks and Mensheviks; she was
mistaken in what she wrote in prison in 1918 (She corrected most of
these mistakes at the end of 1918 and the beginning of 1919 when she
was released). But inspite of her mistakes she was and remains for
us an eagle. And not only will Communists all over the world cherish
her memory, but her biography and her complete works will serve as
useful manuals for training many generations of communists all over
the world. `Since August 4, 1914, German social-democracy has become
a stinking corpse’ — this statement will make Rosa Luxemburg’s name
famous in the history of the international working class movement.
And, of course, in the backyard of the working class movement, among
the dungheaps, hens like Paul Levi, Scheidemann, Kautsky and all
their fraternity will cackle over the mistakes committed by the
great Communist”. (Lenin, Notes of a Publicist, Vol. 33).
Lenin upheld that Rosa was an “Eagle” (that is a great Marxist
leader) because despite her mistakes her overall contributions were
great and perhaps most importantly because she fought and gave her
life against the most important question of her time: The World
War. On this crucial question Rosa and Karl Liebnecht struggled
against the opportunism of the second international that supported
imperialism under the slogan of “defence of the fatherland”.
Similarly, we uphold that Fidel Castro is a great Marxist-Leninist
because despite his mistaken position on Stalin and Gorbachev he
defended and even advanced socialism in Cuba and Latin America at a
time when the entire socialist block disintegrated from the
corrosive influence of revisionism. Despite all the difficulties
around him, he successfully steered Cuba against the longest
standing embargo in history by the largest military and economic
power in history in a period of complete international isolation.
He fulfilled the promise he made in 1962 that he would remain a
Marxist-Leninist until the day he died. Is that not true? Despite
the enormous historical defeat of socialism is he not defending the
essential ideas of socialism till his very last breath?
More importantly since our evaluation pertaining to the economic and
political foundations of a society (i.e. whether it is capitalist or
socialist) is not `exclusively’ tied to the political position of
its leadership (as is the case with Maoism and Hoxhaism) but is
rather based on an objective assessment of the economic & political
structures of that society, we uphold that a society may be
socialist even while we disagree, even sharply, with its political
Both Maoism and Hoxhaism uphold that when the “leadership” of a
socialist state falls into the hands of revisionists the socialist
state becomes a capitalist state. That was the basis upon which it
was asserted that the Soviet Union was capitalist after the death of
Stalin. Similarly, it was the basis upon which it was asserted that
China was capitalist after the death of Mao (or the defeat of the so-
called Gang of Four and Lin Piao). I wouldn’t be surprised if after
Hoxha came to the conclusion that Mao was a revisionist he
pronounced China a capitalist country.
The bases upon which these pronouncements are being made are not
merely common to Hoxhaism and Maoism but also belong exclusively to
I hope that clarifies our position further. Look forward to hearing
from you on these questions.
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Posted by Taimur Rahman on August 20, 2006
Comrade Mansoor, with all due respect I think you have completely misunderstood the question under discussion. Let me begin by telling you what the debate is NOT about.
1) The debate is not about whether the contributions of Mao Tsetung to Marxism-Leninism were quantitative or qualititive. Niether is the debate about the philosophical, political, or economic contributions of Mao TseTung. They are of world historic proportions whether
parties attach his name or not.
2) The debate is not about the differentiation between “Maoism” and “Mao Tsetung Thought”. Although these are distinct tendencies, but this distinction is largely irrelevant given what we are discussing.
3) The debate is certainly not about denominations within Marxism. Marxism is a science not a religion.
4) The debate is not about whether or not to support the Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist). We unconditionally support the CPN(m) against the Monarchy.
The debate is about the political position with respect to the international communist movement of the organizations that claim to uphold the legacy of Mao.
Clear I hope.
You wrote “I profoundly disagreed with Mao’s negative stance on the creation of Bangladesh and did not hesitate to criticise the CPC in 1971 in open publications.”
My response: The impression in Pakistan was that China did not support the independence of Bangladesh. Can you please provide evidence. This is extremely interesting. This information will bring a completely new twist to debates within Pakistan.
I support the right of self-determination of the people of Bangladesh. What the people of Bengal wanted was crystal clear from the election results of 1970. If the CPC supported the right of the people of Bengal to create their own state, the only thing they are
guilty of doing is following Lenin’s views on the national question.
You wrote “While I agreed with the characterisation of the USSR as social-imperialist, I did not agreee that it was to be treated as more dangerous than the USA, and thus disagreed with several harmful but unnecessary manifestations of that characterisation.”
My response: If the USSR was indeed an imperialist state, support for the nationalist movements in Eastern Europe, Central Asia follow as a logical necessity. In other words, critical support for Solidarity of Poland, Sajudis of Lithuania, the Mujahideen in Afghanistan, Prague Springs in Czechoslovakia, and so on in relation to the USSR. Naturally if the USSR was an imperial power it follows quite logically that these were the equivalent of bourgeois national
Strange then that the living conditions of people were so much better under the ‘imperial’ influence of the Soviet Union than in the period of ‘liberty’. Ironic no?
Strange that in this Soviet ‘imperalism’ the colonies (i.e. Eastern Europe) actually enjoyed a better standard of living than the people of the imperial country (i.e. Russia). Ironic no?
Strange that the colonies like Cuba, Vietnam, North Korea, Egypt and so many others were subsidized by the imperial power. That surplus moved from the imperial capital to the periphery. Ironic no?
‘Liberty’ from Soviet imperialism was wonderful because it finally gave real and meaningful ‘liberty’ to the people of the Soviet Union, that is the ‘liberty’ to sell their labour-power to the highest bidder (i.e. Western Capitalism). How strange that ‘liberty’ condemned millions of poverty, prostitution, and the whims of the mafia. Ironic no?
How strange that this ‘capitalist’ ‘imperalist’ power experienced an event in 1991 which was pronounced the world over as the “death of socialism”. But according to the analysis of ‘soviet social imperialsm’ the bourgeoisie was already in power. Apparently millions of people were making a fuss about nothing. Ironic no?
It is time to bury the hatchet Comrade Mansoor. The entire ‘soviet-imperialism’ analysis is about as worthy as a soiled diaper.
P.S. Dear comrade Mansoor, none of my remarks should be interpreted as attacks against you personally. I’m poking fun at the theory of soviet social imperialism and not at you as an individual. I respect you as a comrade.
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Posted by Taimur Rahman on August 18, 2006
As a supplement to what Bhagat Singh has written I would like to bring to the forum three points of disagreement with the founding document of RIM (one of the main international centers that promote Marxism-Leninism-Maoism).
Poland: Support for Solidarity by RIM
“In the capitalist and imperialist countries of the Eastern bloc important cracks and fissures in the relative stability of the rule by the state-capitalist bourgeoisie are more and more apparent. In Poland the proletariat and other sections of the masses have risen in struggle and delivered powerful blows to the established order. In these countries, also, possibilities for proletarian revolution are developing and will be heightened by the development and intensification of world contradictions.”
This document, signed by the constituting members of the Revolutionary International Movement in March 1984, clearly argues that the Eastern European countries were “capitalist and imperialist” and ruled by a “state-capitalist bourgeoisie”. Against this established order in Poland “the proletariat and other sections of the masses have risen in struggle”. Is there any doubt that this is a clear reference to the growth of Solidarity in the early 1980s in Poland?
The fact that the growth of this CIA funded reactionary trade-union Solidarity that culminated in the counter-revolution across Eastern Europe after their electoral victory of in 1989 could be viewed by RIM as signaling the “possibilities for proletarian revolution” is about as clever as claiming that neo-liberals are socialists. What results other than defeat could the anti-revisionists expect when the leadership of these parties did not merely fail to recognize the counter-revolutionary and imperialist character of Solidarity but led others to believe that the growth of this movement presented the possibility of the development of a proletariat revolution?
On “Cuban Revisionism”
“However this openly capitulationist, right-wing revisionism always corresponded with, and has become increasingly intermingled with, a kind of “left” armed revisionism, promoted at times by the Cuban leadership and others, which separated the armed struggle from the masses and preached a line of combining revolutionary stages into one single “socialist” revolution, which in fact meant appealing to the workers on the narrowest of bases and negating the necessity of the working class to lead the peasantry and others in thoroughly eliminating imperialism and the backward and distorted economic and social relations that foreign capital thrives on and reinforces. Today this form of revisionism is one of the major planks of the social-imperialist attempt to penetrate and control national liberation struggles.”
The attempt to combine the bourgeois democratic and proletarian stages into one single socialist revolution is not a revisionist but a Leninist position. Please note here is what Lenin wrote as far back as 1905.
From the democratic revolution we shall at once, and just in accordance with the measure of our strength, the strength of the class-conscious and organised proletariat, begin to pass to the socialist revolution. We stand for uninterrupted revolution. We shall not stop halfway…
Without succumbing to adventurism or going against our scientific conscience, without striving for cheap popularity, we can and do say only one thing: we shall put every effort into assisting the entire peasantry to carry out the democratic revolution in order thereby to make it easier for us, the party of the proletariat, to pass on, as quickly as possible, to the new and higher task—the socialist revolution. [emphasis added]
On the fourth anniversary of the October Revolution, sixteen years after the above quotation, Lenin wrote:
The Kautskys, Hilferdings, Martovs, Chernovs, Hillquits, Longuets, MacDonalds, Turatis, and other heroes of ‘Two-and-a-Half’ Marxism were incapable of understanding… the relation between the bourgeois-democratic and the proletarian-socialist revolutions. The first grows over into the second. The second, in passing solves the questions of the first. The second consolidates the work of the first. Struggle, and struggle alone, decides how far the second succeeds in outgrowing the first.  [emphasis added]
Similarly, in The Proletarian Revolution and the Renegade Kautsky Lenin wrote,
Things have turned out just as we said they would. The course taken by the revolution has confirmed the correctness of our reasoning. First, with the “whole” of the peasantry against the monarchy, against the landlords, against the medieval regime (and to that extent, the revolution remains bourgeois, bourgeois-democratic). Then, with the poor peasants, with the semi-proletarians, with all the exploited, against capitalism, including the rural rich, the kulak, the profiteers, and to that extent the revolution becomes a socialist one. To attempt to raise an artificial Chinese wall between the first and second, to separate them by anything else than the degree of preparedness of the proletariat and the degree of its unity with the poor peasants, means monstrously to distort Marxism, to vulgarize it, to substitute liberalism in its place. It means smuggling in a reactionary defense of the bourgeoisie against the socialist proletariat by means of quasi-scientific references to the progressive character of the bourgeoisie as compared with medievalism.
Notice that the Russian Revolution passed from the bourgeois democratic stage of the revolution directly into the socialist phase of the revolution without interruption. Lenin correctly argued that the bourgeois and proletarian revolution could become telescoped into one revolutionary crisis contingent upon the revolutionary preparedness of the proletariat. He summed up this idea perfectly in the phrase “struggle and struggle alone, decides how far the second succeeds in outgrowing the first”. Stalin held the same view as Lenin and wrote:
Consequently, Lenin fought the adherents of ‘permanent’ revolution, not over the question of uninterruptedness, for Lenin himself maintained the point of view of uninterrupted revolution, but because they underestimated the role of the peasantry, which is an enormous reserve of the proletariat….
The RIM statement upholds the opportunist view that a substantial period of development between the democratic and socialist stages of the revolution is necessary. How can the revolutionary preparedness of the proletariat, the key factor according to Lenin that determines “how far the second succeeds in outgrowing the first”, take place if revolutionaries are prohibited from organizing them for a socialist revolution?
Further the RIM statement implies that organizing around a socialist program will repel not merely “the others” (we can assume RIM implies the progressive sections of the petty or national bourgeoisie) but even the peasantry. Now it should be very clear that such a thesis is flawed not merely because it misrepresents the position of pro-Cuban communists on the Agrarian question (to my knowledge they have not eliminated commodity production in agriculture but merely engaged in redistributing the property of landlords, i.e. no communes have been built) but more importantly because it completely underestimates the revolutionary potential of the peasantry. The view that the peasantry would recoil from the democratic revolution at the prospect of a proletariat socialist revolution belongs exclusively to the anti-Leninist camp. In sum, this position implies that the proletariat should remain within the ideological confines of the revolutionary bourgeois-democratic program of the peasantry. In one word, far from bestowing on the proletariat the role of leadership, it advocates a position that subordinates the socialist-proletariat to the bourgeois democratic peasantry. That the peasantry has to go through several stages of revolutionary transformation is a foregone conclusion but how quickly these transformations occur is contingent on the level of class-consciousness and organization of the proletariat.
RIM on Hoxha
“At the same time, revisionism in its dogmatic form continues to be a bitter enemy of revolutionary Marxism. This current, most sharply expressed in the political line of Enver Hoxha and the Party of Labour of Albania, attacks Mao Tsetung Thought, the path of the Chinese Revolution and especially the experience of the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution. Masquerading as defenders of Stalin (when in fact many of their theses are Trotskyites), these revisionists soil the genuine revolutionary heritage of Stalin. These imposters use the shortcomings and errors of the international communist movement, and not its achievements in order to buttress up their revisionist-trotskyite line, and demand that the international communist movement follow suit on the basis of a return to some mystical “doctrinal purity”. The many features this Hoxhaite line shares with classical revisionism, including the ability of Soviet revisionism (as well as reaction in general) to promote and/or profit from both openly anti-Leninist “Euro-communism” and Hoxha’s disguised anti-Leninism at the same time, are testimony to their common bourgeois ideological basis.”
I’m at a complete loss to explain how Hoxhaism has anything in common with Trotskyism. Does Hoxhaism uphold that socialism cannot be built in one country? Does Hoxhaism uphold that after the death of Lenin a “Stalinist bureaucracy” took power in the name of the proletariat and the USSR became a “degenerated workers state”? Do Hoxhaists uphold the thesis of “permanent revolution”?
One has merely to state the positions associated with Trotskyism to realize that a world of a difference separates Trotskyism from Hoxhaism.
I strongly disagree with Hoxha’s assessment of Mao Tse-Tung but it’s a bit of a stretch to imagine that Hoxha was organizing on the basis of a Trotskyite thesis. I’m sure the Trotskyites are falling over themselves with laughter at the utter inanity of this statement.
Clearly then RIM is using the term “Trotskyism” as a pejorative description without realizing that such unscientific statements make a laughing stock of the science of Marxism.
I hope we can constructively engage with members of RIM on these and other questions on our forum.
 V.I. Lenin, “The Attitude of Social-Democracy Towards the Peasant Movement”, Vol. VIII, pp. 186-87, September 1905 (pg. 167).
 V. I. Lenin, “Fourth Anniversary of the October Revolution”, Vol. XXVII p. 26, October 1921 (pg. 167).
 V. I. Lenin, “The Proletarian Revolution and the Renegade Kautsky”, October-November 1918, Foreign Languages Press Peking 1970 (pg. 97-98).
 J.V. Stalin, “The Foundations of Leninism”, J. V. Stalin Works, Vol. 6, pp, 34 (pg. 165).
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Posted by Taimur Rahman on August 17, 2006
The Facts Speak for Themselves
32.6% of the Pakistani population lived below the poverty line by the end of 1990′s
A girl child in RURAL areas of the country between ages 6-14 is found to be 24 percent less likely to be enrolled in school than a boy child
Infant Mortality Rate (per 1000 births): 83
By the time children reach an age of 5 in Pakistan:
1- 62% are stunted
2- 45% are underweight
3- 12% have already died
31% of the rural population does not have access to any hospital, clinic, or any health facility or health worker
Female primary school enrolment is 40.5% lower than in comparable countries
Poverty in rural NWFP is more than twice that of urban Sindh, at 19%
Lag in Pakistan’s indicators compared to other countries WITH THE SAME INCOME LEVEL:
As Compared to Other countries WITH THE SAME INCOME LEVEL AS PAKISTAN, Pakistan has:
1- 36% lower births attended by trained personnel
2- 11% more babies born with low birth weight
3- 42% lower health spending per capita
4- 1.6 % less of GDP spent on Health
5- 27 more infant deaths per thousand
6- 19 more child deaths per thousand
7- 23% lower share of population with access to sanitation
8- 20% fewer children of elementary school age enrolled in primary school
9- 40% fewer girls of elementary school age attend primary school than in countries with comparable incomes
10- There are nearly 5 more students per teacher
11- Public spending on education is 1.4% lower than expected
12- The share of population that is illiterate is 24% higher than one would expect based on Pakistanâ€™s per capita income, the figure is 32% for women
27% of the male population and 41% of the female population of ages 11-15 is not enrolled in school
42% of the Male population and 73% of the female population( 15+) was illiterate in 2000
SOURCE: Pakistan Poverty Assessment, World Bank
(stats provided by Bhagat Singh)
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